Transactions of the Canadian Institute 5: 89-103 (1898)
The Celt in ancient Egypt and Babylonia
John Campbell, LL.D.
[Read 1st Feb 1896]

In the Transactions of the Celtic Society of Montreal for 1892, the Rev. Dr. MacNish attributes to me the translation of a cuneiform Celtic document after its transliteration by Professor Sayce. Dr. MacNish's own large share in the work of interpretation he fails, with characteristic modesty, to indicate. The document in question is one of the fortunate discoveries made within recent years at Tell el Amarna in Egypt, where an extensive literary correspondence of Canaanitic, Phoenician, Syrian and Babylonian princes, with the later Pharaohs of the dynasty of the Amenhoteps, was brought to light. These clay letters furnish an important historical desideratum in the synchronism of the Pharaohs with the rulers and governors of north-eastern countries. Probably the most important in this respect is that set forth by my learned colleague. Its text is to be found in the Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology for 1889, Vol. XI, pp. 336-339, where Dr. Sayce describes it as a "large tablet of grey clay, well preserved and clearly written." Of its thirty-eight lines, the first two are in Assyrian or Semitic; the remaining thirty-six are in an entirely new language, which Dr. Hugo Winckler and Dr. Sayce suspect to be Hittite. As these eminent scholars have not yet shewn themselves to be possessed of any clear idea of what Hittite speech was, their suspicion is of little value. Granting it to be simply Turanian, Dr. Sayce makes an admission that is fatal to any Hittite connection of the tablet, when, discussing its contents, he says "the possessive mi and ti, tu have an Indo-European character."

It was no pre-conception on the part of Dr. MacNish and myself that led us to find in the main part of the inscription an ancient form of Celtic speech most nearly approaching old Irish. Our labours upon the Umbrian plates of the Eugubine Tables had given us an insight into the archaic pronominal, prepositional and verbal features of the Celtic tongue, so that a glance was sufficient to make it evident we had before us a purely Gaelic document and no other. There is a vast gap between the date of the Eugubine Tables, 180 B.C., and this Tell el Amarna tablet which goes back to the sixteenth century before Christ, so that there is considerable difference in the language of the compared inscriptions, but the radical characteristics of Celtic speech are manifest in them equally, and lapse of centuries has not so obscured grammatical and lexical forms as to render them untranslatable into the Gaelic of to-day. By its language and by its historical connections the tablet under consideration proves the Celt to have occupied a position of great importance in the early history of the world, when, as nationalities, the purely Aryan peoples can hardly be said to have existed. As the Transactions of the Celtic Society and the Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology may not be generally available, I present Dr. Sayce's excellent transliteration and Dr MacNish's interpretation of the tablet. Dr. Sayce's proposed Hittite reading I do not reproduce, as it is almost all vaguely conjectural, fragmentary and self-contradictory, in all of which respects it differs from Dr. MacNish's scientifically exact, complete and consistent rendering.

The introductory Semitic lines, leaving out the determinative prefixes, are:—

1. ana Nimuutriya sarru rabu sar mat Miitsri
to Nimutriya great king, king of the land of Egypt.

2. sa Tarkhuundarais sar mat Arzapiki dhema
of Tarkhundara, king of the land of Arsapi, the letter.

Hereafter follow the thirty-six lines of the cuneiform text, with equivalents in modern Gaelic (Erse and Scottish), and translation:—

3. kakti mi kuru-in emesmi dammesmi, turmesmi
h-ugad mi chuirinn ai mas mo damh mas mo tuir mas mo
unto thee I would place my good lands my good people my excellent generals.

4. nitakh-mes galgal ina pir-mes-mi kurra-mes-mi
nitheach mas galgadh in fir mas mo gearrain mas mo
warriors good brave in my good men my good horses.

5. biib-biidmi kurkur-mes-mi gananda
bithim faoidhim cursuir mes mo go an ionnad anudd
I am sending my good messengers as far as to thee.

6. khuumuan kuru-in
comain chuirinn
favour 1 would place.

7. duukmas kakta khuumaan kuru-in gismestu
do chum h-uca comain chuirinn cais mas do
in order unto thee favour I would place to thy beloved.

8. emesti dammesti turmesti nitakh-mes galgal ina
ai mas do damh mas do tuir mas do nitheach mas galgadh in
thy good lands thy good peoples thy good captains the good warriors brave in

9. pirmesti kurramesti biib-biidti
fir mas do gearrain mas do bi thu faoidh tu
thy good men thy good horses thou art thou sending.

10. kurmesti khuumaan kuru-in gismestu
cursuir mes do comain chuirinn cais mes do
thy good messengers favour I would place to thy beloved.

11. kaalaatami enuun Irsaapa
cuallaidhe mo inneoin Irsapa annum
my colleague held over Irsapa.

12. Khalugari tsi anmi in auma Akh turrak-ti
Khalugari ti annam in aomadh Akh torog do
Khalugari the prince to me inclining Akh thy princess.

13. udmi kuin dam an Akh upida anzi
udhmaim coinne damh an Akh obadh gus ise (ionn ise)
to enclose wife people to Akh refusing to her.

14. num si liil khuudi Akh an sakdu si
'n aom ise lilim cuadh Akh ionn sochaidhe ise
to incline her follow bidding Akh in her army.

15. kaalata uppa salkhuun 1 sukha tsiliya guskin
cuallaidh ibh sailcunn 1 suacan teallach cioscain
colleague your body-guard 1 pot earthen tribute.

16. kuru an ta
cur ann tu (annad)
places to thee.

17. a Akli ya atta lamu kuun da askha kira a
a Akh ia asad lamuighim coinne da ascaim cear a
who Akh of the land from thee takes a wife asking offspring who.

18. bibi pi raat mu neitta uppa salkhi egir an da
bibb ibh riadh mo innsidh ibh ciollach eagraidheas ionnta (annad)
are you grief my telling your highness enmity to.

19. arad asta Khalugari tsi attiin amme nik tsi
iarradh aisde Khalugari ti aitnim ammain nic ti
asking out of Khalugari prince commanding refuse daughter of the kingdom.

20. Khalugari tsi an egir papara khuudaak
Khalugari ti ionn eagraidhe as fiafruighe a cuiteach
Khalugari prince in enmity ask who denies.

21. nainaat upi andu
inainadh ob annad (ionnta)
need refuses to thee.

22. arad ta upi anzi kidda anzi kuukta turrak ti
iarradh do ob an ise cead an ise cuich torog do
thy bidding refuse to her permission to her secretly thy princess.

23. Khalugari asmi is Khalugari tsi ta
Khalugari asam eis Khalugari ti do
Khalugari I make hear Khalugari prince to.

24. kuistu nik e kar naas aggaas
coisteachd nic ai caram naas aghaiseach
hearing daughter of land stirs assembly quiet.

25. numu antu nin putik asgaas Matyaas ubbiista-un
'n aomadh annad ionn fuaduighim aice gaise Matyaas ibh aisde-uni
adhering to thee to force tribes warlike of Matya you from.

26. ziinnuukun khuuma anda
dionasgaim comain annad
dissolving favour to thee.

27. nu Khaate saassa sade Igaid
nai Khaate scuchsaim aiste Igaid
ship Hittite going out of Igaid.

28. naat giskal la biibbi xxx tuuppa khuuntsili
inidhe casgal la bibh 30 taobh caondualach
bowels of ship with it are 30 beams carved.

29. kiissariissi Irsaappa khalu
coisrighim Irsapa geillim
consecrated Irsapa worship (serve).

30. ensukha tsiliya guskin kilalbi tu
aon suacan teallach cioscain geallaim tu
one pot earthen tribute promised thou.

31. xx mana guskin iii kak si iii kak pirkar
20 mana cioscain 3 ceis seic 3 ceis brucur
20 manehs tribute 3 cases ivory 3 cases sponges.

32. iii kak khuuzzi viii kak khusiittiin
3 ceis cuach 8 ceis coiseideadh
3 cases bowls 8 cases gaiters.

33. c kak anna iv dukan c kak khaab
100 ceis ainne 4 tuighean 100 ceis ciob
100 cases rings 4. robes 100 cases tow.

34. c kak sir tsilliya assa
100 ceis sior teallach ase
100 cases long earthen shingles.

35. iv tak kukupu nata v tak kukupu
4 teigh cuachaim natach 5 teigh cuachaim
4 coverings of plaited hair grey 5 coverings plaited.

36. sa kur taba iii tibu xxiv khir gis pana
sa caor dubh 3 dabh 24 cear ceis bheanan
in sheep black 3 cows 24 carcasses pigs female.

37. x gisguza sa giskal istu Sadibbi
10 ceis ceos sa casgal aiste Sadibbi
10 pig hams in vessels out of Sadibbi.

38. x salkhuuz ii giskal tsiliya
10 sail ceos 2 casgal teallach
10 salt hams 2 vessels earthen.

I subjoin Dr. MacNish's free translation of this valuable epistle: "I would place at thy disposal my good lands, my good peoples, my excellent generals, my good and brave warriors among my valiant men, and my good horses. I am, I am sending my faithful messengers to thee, as far as thine abode. I would confer a favour upon thee, in order that by means of them (my messengers) I could gain favour for thy beloved. My colleague Khalugari, the prince over Irsapa, inclines to me to gain Akh, thy princess, for my wife. The people refuse to incline to Akh, and to follow her bidding in the army. The colleague, your bodyguard places an earthen pot of tribute (gold) at your disposal—the colleague who takes Akh of the land from thee to be his wife, asking thy offspring who you are. I have grief in telling your highness that there is enmity to thee; forasmuch as thou askest of Khalugari, the prince in command, to refuse the daughter of the kingdom. Khalugari, the prince, makes a request through enmity, though he denies the necessity of doing so. He refuses to do thy bidding, secretly refusing permission to her, to thy princess. I make Khalugari hear. Khalugari, the prince, to obey the daughter of the land, stirs up the quiet assembly that inclined to thee by forcing the warlike tribes of Matya from thee dissolving their obligation to thee."

"There is a Hittite ship going from Igaid. In the hold of the ship are thirty beams (gods) carved and consecrated, to which Irzapa does homage. There is one earthen pot of tribute (gold) which I promised to thee. There are 20 manehs of tribute (gold), 3 cases of ivory, 3 cases of sponges, 3 cases of bowls, 8 cases of gaiters, 100 cases of rings, 4 robes, 100 cases of tow, 100 cases of long earthen shingles, 4 coverings of plaited grey hair, 5 plaited coverings made of the wool of black sheep, 3 cows, 24 carcasses of female pigs, 10 pig hams in vessels out of Sadibbi, 10 salt hams, 2 earthen vessels."

I do not propose to follow Dr. MacNish in his vindication of the Gaelic of the epistle, which those who are curious can find in the Transactions of the Celtic Society of Montreal. The high reputation of my learned colleague as a Celtic scholar, second to few, if indeed to any, in the world, is sufficient guarantee for the correctness of his translation, with which I have not interfered in the slightest. The task I propose is to place this intensely interesting document in its historical setting by the aid chiefly of monumental evidence. There is no necessity for any research for the purpose of determining who Nimutriya, the Pharaoh to whom it is addressed, was; since all authorities agree that he was Amenhotep III., whose son Amenhotep IV. Khu-en-aten, left Thebes for Tell-el-Amarna, in consequence of his founding a new religion. A princess intimately related to Amenhotep, or Nimutriya, forms the chief subject of Tarkhundara's letter, and her name in its Celtic dress was Akh. Amenhotep III. had no such daughter, but one of his granddaughters, through his son Amenhotep IV. of Tell-el-Amarna, was Ankh, called more fully Ankh-nes-pa-aten. Here, in all likelihood, appears the first clue to the historical connection. On some of his monuments, according to Lenormant, her father is represented in his war chariot followed to battle by his seven daughters, a testimony to their Amazonian character.

Ankh the princess married Tutankh or Tutankh-Amen, who by this alliance became a Pharaoh, and reigned in the legitimate capital, Thebes. Brugsch thinks his reign was a short one, though marked by much development in the arts. In external form Tutankh has nothing in common with either Tarkhundara or Khalugari. We may turn, therefore, in the meantime to the geographical name Irzapa. Dr. Sayce supposes this to be a Syrian Razappa or Resheph, because a land of Igadai, which he takes to be the same as the Igaid of the inscription, is, in the Egyptian Travels of a Mohar in Palestine, placed to the north of Aleppo. I do not believe there is any sufficient evidence to prove that the Mohar was near Aleppo, but this is beside the subject. In the sequel to his Early History of Babylonia, George Smith mentions an Agade near Sippara on the Euphrates, and, further down the river, below Babylon, was Borsippa, a place of great note and high antiquity which gave name to the surrounding country. Even so late again as the time of the geographer Strabo, the chief tribes of Chaldean astrologers were those of the Borsippeni and the Orcheni. It is more natural to suppose that Irzapa is a Celtic form of Borsippa than to look for it as an obscure Syrian district, since its ruler sought in marriage the daughter of a powerful Pharaoh. The voyage of the Hittite ship from the Persian Gulf to Cosseir, the port of Thebes, or to some similar port on the Red Sea, would necessarily be a long and adventurous one, but as there was much commercial interchange between Babylonia and Egypt, it was probably the more common route for it, since deserts and hostile tribes placed difficulties in the way of land transport. The identification of Irzapa with Borsippa is, however, only tentative.

Among all the Babylonian monarchs of note, the only one whose name approaches that of the Egyptian Tutankh is Dungi. Two cities were named after him, Dunnu-saidu and Bil-dungi-ur. He is mentioned in four of his own inscriptions, two of which are votive, on a signet cylinder and on a stone weight of his own time, and is referred to by Nabonidus of the sixth century B.C. as the completer of the tower at Ur, which had been begun by his father. More important by far than Dungi was his father, the remains of whose buildings exceed those of every other Chaldean monarch except Nebuchadnezzar. His name has been variously rendered as Urukh and as Urhammu, and Lenormant, who gives him the latter, identifies him with the Orchamus of Ovid, quoting the verses:

"Rexit Achaemenias urbes pater Orchamus isque,
 Septimus a prisci numeratur origine Beli."

He and Dungi his son called themselves kings of Ur (now Mugheir) and kings of Sumir and Accad, two distinct peoples. Urukh or Urhammu built at Ur, Larsa, Erech, Nipur, and Zirgulla, therefore over all the region called Orchoene by the classical geographers, a region lying south of Borsippa. The forms of his name, Urhammu, Orchamus, Orchoene, suggest a Cymric Urgan or Morgan, or a Gaelic Breogan, head of the Brigantes, as well as a Midianite Rakem or Rekem. The facts that the Welsh Urgan and Morgan denote the same person, and that the Hebrew rekem, variegated, is the Gaelic breacaim, I variegate, indicate that modifying prefixes had, as they still have, a large function in Celtic speech. Such a prefix is the letter t which O'Reilly, in his Irish Dictionary, says "is used as an adventitious prefix to all Irish words beginning with a vowel, which are of the masculine gender, and are preceded by the article an, which signifies the!' By this process, Urhammu or Orchamus became Turhammu, Torchamus, Tarkhun.

Tarkhun is not Tarkhundara, but it explains it, even as the dynastic title of Dungi or Tutankh, for dara is a good Gaelic word meaning "the second." Tarkhun-dara is thus an original Tarquinius Secundus. That the legendary story of the two Tarquins was transmitted from the banks of the Euphrates to those of the Tiber can hardly admit of doubt. By a sudden revolution, the cause of which is hinted at in the epistle, Dungi or Tarkhun-dara was driven from Ur, and took refuge not in the Campanian city of Cumac but in Chemi, the land of Egypt. He belongs obscurely to Greek legendary history as a Thersander who never saw Greece, and whose genealogy is all astray, save when Thrasyanor is made his grandfather, but who is rightly made the husband of a daughter of Amphiaraus, for the original of this priestly monarch was Amenhotep IV., called in cuneiforn script Naphurkuriya. Final der and tor in ancient royal names supposed to be Greek must be regarded with suspicion: as a matter of fact, Thersander and Amyntor are Celtic dynastic titles. Once more Tarkhun-dara, Dungi or Tutankh, appears in Greek mythology. As Tarkhundara married Akh, and Tutankh the Egyptian Ankh, so Tithonus was the husband of Eos, who bore to him the Egyptian Aemathion and Memnon. She is called the daughter of Hyperion and Theia, a statement mingling truth and error, for Hyperion, the solar deity, is but a form of Naphurkuriya, the name of her sun-worshipping father, and Theia is her grandmother Thi, the Celtic spouse of Amenhotep III.

Many ancient writers, from Homer and Hesiod onwards, make mention of her son Memnon, who has no place in the Egyptian dynasties. His double connection with Egypt and Ethiopia, and with Susa, where his father Tithonus is said to have reigned as the viceroy of the Assyrian king Teutamas, shews that the birth of Tutankh in the Euphratean region was well known, and that he was connected with the Thothmes, not of Assyria but of Egypt, who were closely related to the Amenhoteps, although, by an error of judgment on the part of most Egyptologers, Amenhotep III. and IV. are set down later than all the four Thothmes. Tithonus is generally called a son of Lapmedon of Troy, but Apollodorus makes him the son of Cephalus and the father of Phaethon. The original Troy, whether Homer knew it or not, lay between Babylonia and Egypt, and thither Memnon is said to have come from the banks of the Euphrates to help Priam and the men of Ilium. While Cephalus, the name of the father of Tithonus, is but Hyperion and Amphiaraus, his father-in-law over again, Laomedon and Phaethon are one. Ulam.Buryas was a Babylonian king and a cousin of Urukh or Urhammu. His son Ulam-Bedan, or in Celtic and Semitic as opposed to Turanian order, Padan-Ulam, was at once the Laomedon and the Phaethon of the Greeks. Bedan or Padan, the ancestor of the Patinians, and at the same time the original of the British Bladud or Badud, who built Caer-Badus or Bath, and, like Phaethon, attempted to fly to heaven, was the second cousin of Tarkhundara, Dungi.or Tutankh. As Tithonus, the latter is the German Tannhaiiser imprisoned in the Horselberg, and True Thomas in the coverts of Ercildoune, as Sir George Cox has demonstrated, but, in Geoffrey of Monmouth, he is also Caradoc's brother Dianotus, king of Cornwall, whose all attractive daughter Ursula invites comparison with the Horselberg and Ercildoune. Thus world-wide was the fame of the really Cymric or Sumerian, but Gaelic writing, Tarkhun-dara.

The marriage of Akh with Tarkhun-dara was far from being the first alliance between the Babylonian and Palestinian Celts and the Pharaohs. Thi, the wife of Amenhotep III. and mother of Amenhotep IV., was a relative of Tushratta, king of the Mitanni or Midianites who dwelt between the Euphrates and the Jordan. When on a hunting expedition in his country, the Egyptian monarch met her and made her his queen. The monuments represent her "with light hair, blue eyes, and rosy cheeks, like the women of northern climates." Her name, in the form Tea, occurs more than once in ancient Irish history, and she was the original Greek Theia. Her mother was Tuaa, daughter of Amenhotep II., and her father is called Iuau. This peculiar Egyptian dress hardly conceals a Celtic Hugh, which appears among Mitannian or Midianite names as Eui or Evi. Here again we have to deal with no obscure man. A son of the second cousin of Tushratta (who, by the way, was no less a person than the Greek Adrastus), he was the Iva or Shamas-Iva, who, with his father Ismi-Dagon and his brother Gungunu, not only ruled over the greater part of Babylonia, but brought Assyria also under their sceptre. They likewise called themselves kings of Sumir and Accad, and asserted sovereignty over Ur as well. These proud Babylonian monarchs, whose alliance the Pharaohs eagerly sought, must have been those whom Berosus comprised in his Median dynasty, the name Median being then, as it probably was later, synonymous with Midianite. In the sixteenth century B.C. they were almost supreme. The following table, in which the Celtic members are printed in capitals, indicates their important position:

Other tablets from Tell-el-Amarna furnish the names of four Mitannian kings or chiefs in three generations, the last of which was contemporary with the Amenhoteps III. and IV. These are Tushratta and his brother Artassamara, their father Satarna, and their grandfather Artatama. Of these, Satarna connects with ancient Irish history in the person of Stairn, called the son of Nemedius or Midian. This he was not, but he must have been very nearly related to Ephah or Gephah, Midian's eldest son. A son of this Gephah heads a Pharaonic dynasty older than that of Tutankh. He is Senta, who is found at the end of the second dynasty, and his real successors are Menkau-Hor, Tatkara, and Assa of the fifth, although Egyptologers erroneously place six hundred years between them, and represent Tatkara and Assa as one person. That other Pharaohs were of the same Celtic stock is very probable, but evidence to prove it is yet lacking. Proceeding, for lack of a better, upon the chronology of the Hebrew Scriptures, the date of Senta's monarchy in Thinis or in Elephantine may be placed between 1800 and 1750 B.C., instead of in 4000 B.C., as fixed by Lieblein. The period of Tutankh, the last purely Celtic Pharaoh, was not far from 1580. The two centuries that lie between the extreme dates represent the Golden Age of the Celt,. the time when his mythology and legendary history were formed. Fingal and Ossian, Aneurin and Taliesin never saw the British Islands, but somewhere between the Tigris and the Nile performed the deeds and sang the songs of the days of old, when Shamas-Iva or the Egyptian Iuau was a man whom their descendants converted into Hu, the sun-god.

There were other Celts ruling in Chaldea besides the dynasties headed by Ismi-dagon and Urhammu. I have already mentioned that of Ulam-Buryas and his successors. Closely related to it, although Celtic only on the mother's side, was that of the Kurigalzus and Buina-Buryases, who were Ossianic Trathalls and Brians, half Hittite and half Cymric, although the Hercules like Kurigalzu left his name to Argyll. Of the same stock was Khalugari of the tablet, for he was a late Colgar, named after the brother of Cumhal and Brian, if indeed he were not the same man. Also the brother of the Egyptian Menka-Hor, son of Senta, was Singasit, called the son of the lady Belat-Sunat, who ruled in Chaldea at Urukh or Warka. A Welsh Mabinogi mentions his mother as Bleiddan Sannt of Glamorgan; but, mirabile dictu, he is no other than the Hengist of British story, and his Egyptian brother is its Horsa, no Saxons at all, but most genuine Gaels. To Vortigern and Vortimer they were foreigners, however, for these monarchs were of Hittite race.

The Egyptian monuments have preserved for us the names of four Hittite army leaders who are as Celtic as any of the foregoing worthies. Brugsch calls the first of these, who was a son of Ulann-Buryas and thus a cousin of Tutankh, by the varying names Sapalili, Saplel, Saprer. An Assyrian form of the same Patinian name was Sapal-Ulme, and its Hebrew equivalent was Achbor-Ulam, in Ossianic language Cairbar of Ullin. His son Mauro-sar was the original of the Greek Meleager, famous in the story of the Calydonian boar, which received its geographical name from Zimran's son, the ancestral Gilead. And his son Mauthanar, by simple inversion of the parts of his name and a common dental change, becomes Near-mada or Diarmaid, the hero of the Irish boar hunt and the supposed mythical ancestor of all the Campbells. After his death his brother Khetasar made peace with the great Rameses and gave him his daughter in marriage. Who stands for Khetasar in Celtic tradition I have not yet found, but, in Herodotus and elsewhere among Greek writers, he is Cytissorus, the last of the dynasty of Phrixus, which Phrixus was Buryas or Peresh, the son of Gilead, and father of Ulam and Rakem.

The list of distinguished Celts of monumental antiquity which I have furnished is far from exhaustive. It comprises five Pharaohs only, and these by no means the greatest. The great Egyptian monarchs were Hittites, with the exception of the Thothmes- Rameses, who were of Horite or Phoenician descent. But the Celtic Pharaohs were very religious, from the divine Senta down to Prince Ptahhotep, the son of Assa, who wrote a book of moral precepts. The latter was a Welsh Eudav, Latinized by monkish chroniclers into an Octavius. He, however, was not the Eudav who gave his daughter in marriage to Maxen Wledig. That Eudav was luau or Shamas-Iva, whose daughter Thi married Nimutriya or Amenhotep III., a Hittite Pharaoh of the Kenezite line to which Caleb the son of Jephunneh belonged. His Hittite name was Meonothai or Megonothai, and he is at once the Maxen and the Manawyddan of Welsh tradition. What the Celt lacked in Egypt he made up for in Babylonia and even in Assyria. There the Cymro or Sumirian came first, and the Accadian or Hittite second. Look up the twentieth cut in George Smith's Chaldean Account of Genesis, entitled "Migration of Eastern Tribes from early Babylonian Cylinder," and in the central figure you will find a typical bearded Gael in kilt and plaid and bonnet. The Celt was dominant on the Euphrates and the Tigris. The haughty Hittite Sargons .md Hammurabis had to make Sumirian alliances or perish. Ismi-dagon, the great conqueror of Assyria, with his sons Gungunu and Shamas Iva, attained imperial power, while their relatives Satarna and his son Tushratta dominated Mesopotamia and Syria, and the dynasties of Buryas, Singasit, and Urhammu ruled Chaldca. In Canaan itself the Hittite Confederacy was fain to call in the aid of Celtic skill and courage, and virtually make kings of the Saprers, Maurosars, and Mauthanars, who fought their battles against all the might of Egypt.

To the student of ancient history the story of the primitive Celt is invaluable. It cuts down the fabulous antiquity of the Egyptian and Babylonian conjectural historians; it reveals the contemporaneousness of monarchs falsely separated by centuries; it discloses the identity of Egyptian Pharaohs, such as the Thothmes and Rameses, placed far apart in different dynasties; and it withdraws so called myth from the realm of mystery into that of perverted history. The Celt was a half-breed, but of the noblest kind. His father was the Semitic Abraham, his mother, the Perizzite princess Keturah of the purest Aryan race. Zimrite and Midianite, Sumirian and Mitannian were the names by which he was known, names that he rarely disgraced. Like the Hittite, he fell upon evil days when the Horite or Phoenician Thothmes-Rameses became supreme in Egypt, and when Israel at a later date scattered his squadrons; but, when the Aryan first reasserted himself, it was in his Medo-Persian person, and that new supremacy the Aryan keeps to-day, through all the Latin nations and even in many that are Germanized and Sclavized, through the inborn vigour of the Celt

A great difficulty in the way of recognizing the historical characters of the monuments in ancient Celtic history is the fact that much of that history was originally composed from a non-Celtic or Turanian standpoint, and doubtless in a Turanian language of the Iberic or Pictish division. In British tradition, the illustrious names of Arthur, son of Uther Pendragon, and of Emrys Wledig, or Aurelius Ambrosius, denote genuine historical personages but Turanians, and the same is true of the Irish Gadel, Heber Scot, and Milesius, and of the Ossianic Trcinmore, Gaul MacMorn, and Cormac. Even the sons of Treinmore's celebrated son, Trathall, were only Celtic on the side of their mother, who was a sister of the Babylonian Urhammu and Ulam-Buryas. On the male side they were descended from the famous Sargon of Agade, who was the father of Trein the Great, known as Harum or Naram on Sinaitic

and Chaldean monuments. Yet it is more than likely that Brian, Cumhal and Colgar spoke their mother's Celtic language, although so far the name of the latter only, as Khalugari, appears in a Celtic document. There are Chaldean inscriptions of his brothers, who are called BurnaBuryas and Bel-Samu, of which latter Cum-hal is an inversion. They connect locally with Zirgulla and dynastically with Kurigalzu, who is Trathall. The Celtic army leader of the Hittite confederacy, whom the Egyptians called Saprer, has a fragmentary Babylonian record now in the British Museum in which he is termed Isbi-barra, king of Karrak. There may have been a Karrak in Chaldea, but his city was Kerak, in what afterwards became the land of Moab, and near it, towards the Dead Sea, not in any part of then unknown Asia Minor, lay the Ilium which Tarkhundara's son Memnon came to help when besieged by Agamemnon or Shimon, the valiant nephew of Rameses the Great. Classical writers say that Isbi-barra's grandson Mauthenar, whom they call Antenor, deserted his country in her hour of need and fled to Italy, but universal Celtic tradition, whether it call him Morvid or Diarmaid, represents him as perishing in a desperate but unequal contest with a huge monster, a trope, perhaps, for the giant power of Egypt.

As illustrating the vitality of ancient tradition, and at the same time its corruptions in the process of transmission, it is worth while comparing the lists of the sons of this great commander or generalissimo of the Hittites as preserved by the classical and Celtic historians. Antenor is said to have had nineteen sons, but the Iliad celebrates only seven. Geoffrey of Monmouth gives Morvid five; and I have succeeded in finding no more than three sons of Diarmaid, to whose number I add the names of two of his grandsons, Blathmac and Maolodhar. Leaving out Acamas, son of Antenor, who has no parallel in the other genealogies, there remain six classical names to compare with two Celtic groups of five each. It is to be remembered that a Greek Agenor is the same as a Sanscrit Agni, the or being an unnecessary increment, that r and 1 are interchangeable as are b and m, and that any radical diversity in an initial consonant may in some cases be explained as the result of prefixes, the original significance of which is now lost. Thus a son of Bellerophon is called Isandros and Pisandros, and the wife of Telamon bears the names Eriboia and Periboia.

Sons Of Antenor Or Mauthenar:
Archilochus Polydamas Polybus Agenor Helicaon Laodocus.

Sons Of Morvid Or Nar-mauth:
Arthgallo Percdurc Gorbonian Vigen Elidure.

Sons And Grandsons Of Diarmaid Or Nar-mauth:
Breasal Blathmac Colman-beag Hugh-slaine Maolodhar.

No monument so far discovered contains these names, but, when the Turk is out of the way and a strong government keeps the Bedouin in check, valuable relics of ancient Celtic life may be looked for in the excavation of Kerak and neighbouring sites in the historic land of Moab, which witnessed the slaughter in cold blood of a hundred thousand Gaelic mothers and their male children at the command of Israel's great law-giver, Moses. In the battle which preceded that massacre, five kings of Midian were slain, Evi, Rekem, Zur, Hur and Reba. This terrible defeat and massacre put an end to the Golden Age of the Celt, and his subsequent overthrow by Gideon, two centuries later, effectually checked his career of conquest.

The subjoined genealogical table gives the names of the great leaders of the ancient Celts, in the Cymric and Nemedian lines, in capitals, the half-castes in ordinary text, and their purely Hittite ancestors in italics:

It is evident that the generations were of very unequal length, since Thi, who is in the seventh Mitannian, was the grandmother of Akh, who married Tarkhundara in the fifth Zimrite or Sumerian proper. A reconciliation may be found in the long reign of Urhammu, and in the Tithonus and allied traditions which represent Akh's husband as an old man.

Since the foregoing was written, I have discovered a series of Babylonian kings of Celtic birth, pertaining to what is called the Kassite Dynasty. The first of these is Ulam-Girbat, or, more properly, GirbatUlam. He, like Tushratta and Artassamara, was a son of Satarna, but acquired the name Ulam by marriage into the family of the Cymric Ulam-Buryas. In the Tell-el-Amarna Semitic letters he is called Ribaddu, and his son Meli-Gali is termed Malchiel. The successor of MeliGali was Meli-Sumu, a Celtic Mail-gun or Malcolm, and his was Meli-Sibarru, a Mulciber, followed by Meli-Kit. In classical mythology, Girbat is no less a personage than Sarpedon, the son of Asterius and Europa, Asterius being his father Satarna, and his brother Artassamara being Rhadamanthus. The daughter of Girbat married Khamus, the son of Amenhotep II., of Egypt, and the offspring of this union was Tuaa, the wife of Shamas-Iva, and mother of Thi.

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